Why Malaysia’s electoral systems need urgent structural reform
PETALING JAYA: Public understanding of Malaysia’s electoral systems remains strikingly low, raising concerns over how voters engage with democracy and how election outcomes are ultimately shaped, according to election analyst Dr G. Manimaran.
The former member of the Electoral Reform Committee (ERC) said most Malaysians have limited awareness of key electoral systems such as the firstpast-the-post (FPTP) and closed list proportional representation (CLPR) even though these frameworks fundamentally determine how votes translate into seats.
“There is little connection between voter perception and how political coalitions function,” he said, noting that Malaysia’s political landscape is largely shaped by formal alliances such as Barisan Nasional (BN), Pakatan Harapan (PH), Perikatan Nasional (PN) and others.
Malaysia’s current Unity (Madani) government is a coalition comprising PH, BN, Gabungan Parti Sarawak (GPS) and Gabungan Rakyat Sabah (GRS), led by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim.
It was formed after the 15th General Election resulted in a hung parliament, necessitating cross-coalition cooperation to form a government.
Manimaran said Malaysia’s coalition politics has long been defined by alliances rather than individual parties.
In 2018, former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad led PH to a historic victory, ending BN’s decades-long dominance.
Prior to that general election, opposition parties had often contested under separate logos despite cooperating as a coalition.
However, in 2018 PH unified under a single logo to signal stronger cohesion and present a united front to voters. BN’s long dominance also meant public awareness of FPTP remained low.
Under the system, the candidate with the most votes wins, regardless of whether they secured an absolute majority, meaning election outcomes reflect vote distribution rather than voter understanding of the mechanism itself.
He said in 2020, the ERC had proposed introducing CLPR as part of wider electoral reform.
The suggested model was a hybrid system, retaining FPTP at state level while introducing proportional representation at federal level, particularly for parliamentary seats.
“The proposal also recommended dividing representation into three regions – Peninsular Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak – and allocating onethird of parliamentary seats to Sabah and Sarawak to improve regional balance.”
Under such a system, multiple coalitions would still exist but would be represented proportionally in Parliament.
However, although the proposal was submitted in August 2020, it has not been meaningfully debated. Manimaran said implementing such reforms would require major legal amendments, including changes to the Federal Constitution, state constitutions and election laws.
While possible, he stressed it would be a long and complex process requiring strong political will and sustained public support.
He noted that reform is not merely administrative but a structural shift aimed at improving representation in a maturing democracy.
While FPTP remains the current system, there is growing global interest in proportional representation (PR), where voters choose parties and seats are allocated based on vote share – reducing “wasted votes” and improving fairness in representation.
He reiterated that the ERC’s 2020 proposal for CLPR at federal level remains relevant.
Importantly, he said such reform would not require dismantling the existing system.
FPTP could remain for state elections, while proportional representation could be used for federal parliamentary seats, allowing MPs to focus on national policymaking and strengthening legislative debate.
He pointed to countries such as Australia and Indonesia, which use mixed electoral systems combining FPTP, preferential voting and proportional representation.
Malaysia has also undertaken gradual electoral reforms, including lowering the voting age from 21 to 18 in 2019, with amendments gazetted on Sept 10 that year.
However, implementation of Undi18 and automatic voter registration was delayed until after September 2022 due to Covid-19 disruptions.
Another key reform, the anti-hopping law, came into force in October 2022 following political instability triggered by the 2020 “Sheraton Move”.
The law requires MPs who switch parties to vacate their seats, aimed at strengthening political stability and voter accountability.
Ultimately, Manimaran stressed, greater political education is needed, as many Malaysians still lack awareness of how electoral systems shape governance.
As part of broader institutional reform, he said the government should seriously consider reviewing Malaysia’s electoral system.
